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Book review: Emerging China — Prospects of Partnership in Asia

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The (re)emergence of China over the last couple of decades as an economic powerhouse with significant military and technological prowess has a direct bearing on India in particular and the global order in general. The re-emergence of China and India in particular has resulted in a shift in locus of global economic power with Asia taking a central role in the current scenario. The Sino-Indian tango during the 2008-9 global economic downturn and their efforts to arrest the global economic slowdown has further cemented their place on the international stage.

This edited volume is the outcome of a three day international conference jointly organized by the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA) and the AAS between November 21 and 23, 2009 in New Delhi. The conference has been slated to be the first in the series of Asian Relations Conference to mark the foundation day of the ICWA. The excellent design of the themes, chapters and selection of authors is a result of the planning and foresight of the conference organizers which has definitely added value and provided focus to the volume which is in general missing from conference proceedings.

The book is a collection of twenty-two essays divided into three sections which broadly analyse firstly, the various aspects of Asian multilateralism, secondly, China’s regional vision, strategies and how its neighbouring countries like Japan, South Korea, Myanmar, Nepal, among others have responded to Beijing’s vision and thirdly, Sino-India equations in the context of an emerging China with India too staking claim to its place under the sun. It grapples with the important question of the likely implications of a rising China for other countries in the Asian region and India in particular. One of the questions that the book seeks to answer is whether the continued rise of China inevitably makes such a relationship adversarial or are there any prospects for partnership?

The regional linkages in Asia and the rise of Asia began in the early 1990s as a result of the establishment of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). This process was assisted by the economic growth witnessed in the region especially in China, India, Japan and South Korea. However, despite the growing interlinkages especially at the economic level, the rise of China has and continues to be viewed sceptically by the other Asian countries. The editors very correctly point out that a reason for the continued economic diversity and disconnect as well as equally incoherent political perspectives in the region which sometimes work at cross-purposes are partly the result of the fact that the ‘Asian nations were never really territorial states until their interface with colonialism and this dichotomy continues to underwrite their knowledge of “self ” and “other”, which complicates their mutual policies and perceptions.’ This is what makes their epistemological contrast with Europe so evident. As the editors point out, Asian values, thus, need instead to be grounded and located in those basic norms of behaviour that are discussed as well as accepted across much of geographical Asia.

The first section of the book focuses on the various Asian multilateral frameworks in the form of the ASEAN, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), the SAARC and several newer forums like the Boao Forum, CICA among others. The pioneer and still the most important amongst these forums is the ASEAN. Beginning in 1967 as a grouping of largely anti-communist countries, the organization has grown exponentially by formulating a stratagem by which it keeps its focus on economic and trade related issues and relies on political commitment of member states to enforce agreed upon yet non-binding directives. The rationale driving Chinese engagement with multilateral forums like ASEAN, given that it could be easier for China to accomplish its objectives in a bilateral framework, leads one to question whether the logic driving Chinese engagement with such forums are tactical at best. Unlike the ASEAN, other groupings like the SCO and SAARC despite their potential have not done as well. The Chinese aim to keep the US out from the SCO and the complex, unresolved issues between India and Pakistan have proved to be stumbling blocks for these organizations.

In this section, chapters by D.S. Rajan and John Garver deserve special mention. D.S. Rajan’s essay looks at the prevailing security environment in East Asia where China’s top priority is to exclude the US from holding sway in the region. The Chinese desire is at cross purposes or at the least distinct from the approach followed by India, Japan, Australia and even the ASEAN. The author thus concludes that the prospects for greater economic, political and security integration in the region — possibly similar to the European Union — is quite bleak unless the players can arrive at a consensus on how to forge a partnership and the broad contours of doing so.

John Garver’s article analyses the composition of India-China trade, and the export of manufacturing goods and especially of high technology goods. The asymmetry between the two countries especially in these two crucial sectors which greatly contributes to the growth of military powers as history has clearly demonstrated. John Garver, in light of the above, concludes that India would probably lag behind in its military strength vis-à-vis China. Garver’s assessment has an ominous ring to it and only goes to highlight the point that the next one or at the most two decades are the most crucial for India in case it wants to catch up with China.

The second section of the book studies China’s regional vision and the nature and scope of its engagement with neighbouring countries in Asia. This section has chapters on China’s relations with Japan, South Korea,

Singapore, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Myanmar. In this section the chapters on Japan, Sri Lanka and especially Renaud Egreteau’s analysis of Sino-Indian competition in Myanmar — easily one of the best chapters in the volume — deserve an in-depth reading. As brought out in Tomohiko Taniguchi’s chapter titled ‘China’s Rise: Changing Contours of Japan’s Foreign Policy’ very correctly points to the deepening of Indo-Japanese relations over the years. Yet despite a very clear fit that the two countries share — given their concerns about China’s rise for historical, strategic and geo- political reasons — their bilateral relationship still punches much below their weight. Given the close historical, cultural, people to people and economic relations that India and Nepal share, one feels short-changed given that the former Nepalese diplomat Mohan P. Lohani does not take his Sri Lankan counterpart’s cue. The essay on Nepal would have added more value if only it — like the chapter on Sri Lanka — had studied the increasing Chinese influence in Nepal and given a Nepalese perspective on such developments in light of Indo-Nepalese relations.

The third and probably the most interesting section of the book, ‘China-India Equation’ has six chapters. The section begins with a strong note of a chapter titled ‘The Trust Deficit in India-China Relations’ by Tansen Sen who in a very erudite essay delves into the historical misrepresentations in the nature and scope of Sino-Indian linkages. The author emphasizes the need for the countries to study and understand each other in a better manner in order to foster mutual under-standing and trust (p. 304). This is followed by Christian Wagner’s chapter, which puts forth the argument that economic interdependence will drive increasing cooperation between Ind
ia and China despite ‘rivalry in territorial aspirations, quest for resources or claims for geo-strategic influence.’ Wagner claims that despite the border question, both the countries will hold joint military exercises, develop common security interests and joint initiatives in the field of global governance. Though one can agree or disagree with the above argument, the point that Wagner tries to put across is that both these aspects —differences on the border and other issues and cooperation in other areas — are mutually exclusive.

The penultimate chapter by Hu Shisheng and Peng Jing begins by outlining as to what partnership between India and China could mean. It then goes on to delineate the broad common interests which could form the bedrock of the bilateral relationship and the reasons for the lack of such a partnership. The authors bat for building up physical connectivity, increasing popular culture and people to people interaction as means to build a partnership relationship between India and China, reduce negative knee jerk reactions and reduce misunderstandings.

The final chapter in the book titled ‘Where are India-China Relations Heading?: A Futuristic Outlook’ is authored by retired Indian diplomat, Ranjit Gupta. The first half of the essay makes an interesting read and highlights the vastly different historical legacies of these two countries, which greatly contributes to the different statecraft strategies and policies the two countries employ in the current situation. In the second half of the essay, the author studies China’s bilateral relations with countries in India’s neighbourhood, the wider region and in the Indian Ocean region which according to the author are influenced by the ‘India’ factor. The recent deterioration of the bilateral relationship which began in November 2006 with the then Chinese Ambassador’s statement on Chinese claims to Arunachal Pradesh. The increasing border incursions by Chinese security forces, Chinese statements during the November 2008 Mumbai terrorist attack and the issuance of stapled visas to Indian officials and nationals from Arunachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir have further vitiated the atmosphere. The current tensions between the two countries are termed by Ambassador Gupta as being ‘reminiscent of the worst period of bilateral relations in the early 1960s’ (p. 394). This being the case, the author (p. 396) is highly pessimistic that Indo-China relations will be a ‘tension free and normal relationship, let alone a partner relationship.’

There are myriad opinions on the implications of a re-emerging China and how peaceful such a rise will be for other countries like India. The book under review too puts forth several views about how India and China will balance each other and how they might be able to cooperate despite their continuing difference and completion for resources and strategic space. The book given its expansive coverage and expert analyses is a must read for all scholars studying China and the implications its rise will have for Asia and the world.

Arun Vishwanathan teaches at the International Strategic and Security Studies Programme, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Indian Institute of Science (IISc) Campus, Bangalore. He was previously Assistant Director, National Security Council Secretariat, Government of India. He can be contacted at arun.vishwanathan@gmail.com.

This book review was first published at www.thebookreviewindia.org and has been republished here with permission from Swaran Singh.

The post Book review: Emerging China — Prospects of Partnership in Asia appeared first on Gateway House.


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